Οπτικοακουστικό Αρχείο ΕΡΤ — Μέρος Δεύτερο
Τον Δεκέμβριο του 2007, έγραψα ένα άρθρο με τίτλο ‘Οπτικοακουστικό Αρχείο ΕΡΤ’. Ο λόγος ήταν η τεράστια σημασία του εγχειρήματος, τόσο για εμένα, όσο και για εκατομμύρια συμπολίτες μου αλλά και για την ευρύτερη σημασία της διάθεσης του αρχείου, μιας μοναδικής κληρονομιάς και μέρος της ιστορίας αυτού του τόπου.
Παρά τη θετική άποψή μου για την προσπάθεια αυτή όμως, και αγνοώντας — έστω προσωρινά — τις βασικότερες ανησυχίες μου σχετικά με την ιδιοκτησία ενός τόσο σημαντικού έργου από μια ιδιωτική, ως επι το πλείστον, επιχείρηση, βασικές μου ενστάσεις — και ο λόγος για τον οποίο το άρθρο αποτέλεσε σημαντικό εφόδιο στην κριτική του έργου από αρκετούς — αποτέλεσαν αφ’ενός η επιλογή ενός κλειστού φορμά διάθεσης του αρχείου στο κοινό (WMV) και ο αποκλεισμός λειτουργικών συστημάτων όπως το GNU/Linux και τα διάφορα BSDs από τον κατάλογο των υποστηριζόμενων συστημάτων χρήσης του αρχείου και αφ’ετέρου η διάθεση του υλικού σε ιδιαίτερα χαμηλή ποιότητα.
Σήμερα, κι ενώ είχα για πολύ καιρό αποφύγει την επίσκεψη στον δικτυακό τόπο, επέστρεψα και διαπίστωσα πως το υλικό πλέον παρέχεται σε video κωδικοποιημένο με Sorenson (h.263), υπο μορφή αρχείου flv και μέσω flash player· η αλλαγή είναι σίγουρα ευπρόσδεκτη καθώς οι περισσότεροι φυλλομετρητές υποστηρίζουν flash. Αγνοώ γιατί δεν επελέχθη το h.264 καθώς παρέχει σαφώς καλύτερη απόδοση στο ίδιο εύρος ζώνης, αλλά επιπλέον γιατί η ποιότητα του υλικού παραμένει τραγική· φαντάζομαι πως βασικός λόγος δεν είναι το bandwidth ή το κόστος, αλλά κυρίως η αποτροπή “παράνομης” χρήσης του υλικού δίχως την άδεια της ΕΡΤ (παρά το γεγονός πως το λογότυπο της ΕΡΤ δεσπόζει, ως υδατογράφημα, στο αριστερό μέρος του κάδρου). Δυστυχώς το τελικό αποτέλεσμα κάνει την θέαση του υλικού δύσκολη και κουραστική και το εγχείρημα σαφώς λιγότερο επιτυχές.
Ελάχιστα φαίνεται να έχει κατανοήσει η ΕΡΤ, δύο σχεδόν χρόνια μετά την πρώτη παρουσία του αρχείου στο διαδίκτυο, τη σημασία της διάθεσης του υλικού αυτού. Ελάχιστα φαίνεται να έχει ασχοληθεί με διεθνείς αντίστοιχες προσπάθειες, όπως αυτές του βρετανικού BBC, του αμερικάνικου PBS, το Hulu και άλλες, που θέλουν το internet να αντικαθιστά τόσο την ψηφιακή επίγεια τηλεόραση όσο και — σε μεγάλο βαθμό — άλλα οπτικά μέσα αποθήκευσης video υψηλής ευκρίνειας. Μπορεί το βάρος της ευθύνης να μη πέφτει μόνον στην ΕΡΤ αλλά να σκιαγραφεί μια γενικότερη αστοχία της ελληνικής διαδικτυακής ‘κοινότητας’ (βλ. έλλειψη ενός γρηγορότερου εθνικού δικτύου, κακή διείσδυση ευρυζωνικών συνδέσεων, χαμηλή ποιότητα υπηρεσιών, χαμηλό ενδιαφέρον για νέες τεχνολογίες κ.ο.κ.), όμως ως ο φορέας υλοποίησης και ο αυτοδιορισμένος — λόγω κακής νομοθετικής ρύθμισης — ‘αρχειοφύλακας’ της σύγχρονης ελληνικής ιστορίας η ΕΡΤ φέρει μεγάλο μέρος της ευθύνης.
Reel recorder by William A. Franklin/Flickr. Licensed under Creative Commons.
» Naïve Brilliance
If anything can be said in retrospect about Robert McNamara is not that he was hawkish, evil, corrupt or duplicitous, but that despite his sophistication, the statistical prowess and scientific rigour that he showed in his work, his all-around intellectual capacity (or perhaps, in a way just because of all these) he exemplified the naïve brilliance that often accompanies highly intelligent people that fail to take that macroscopic view and consider where they place their focus and energy and why they do so. His 2003 ‘apology’ film, the Errol Morris documentary ‘The Fog Of War’, as well as his 1995 ‘In Retrospect’ book, both indicate that wisdom came late to McNamara; a clear and very welcome difference, nevertheless, to most of his contemporaries.
Bletchley Park to close?

In 2000 I visited what is probably one of the most interesting attractions for geeky history buffs in the UK: Bletchley Park.
Even back when I visited it, the Park was in a dismal state, badly preserved, run down — definitely far from what it should be, given both the fact that sixty years ago it was a British Government secret installation and its immense importance in World War II — and all that in a country whose culture even today is still fundamentally affected (I’d dare say defined) by the two World Wars. Today, about 8 years since my visit to Bletchley Park, I read at Bruce Schneier’s blog that it may close in a few years due to lack of funds. Having grown up in Hellas, a country with a long history and thousands of ancient sites all over the country, I always thought that the dismal state of Hellenic antiquities was due to the country’s deeply rooted nepotism, corruption, stupidity, indifference and total incapacity for efficient, constructive work. While the British government has quite frequently showed that it’s not far from the Hellenic one, one would expect that they’d care more to preserve a small-ish park and a Victorian mansion.
If you appreciate 20th century history and/or cryptography and are visiting the UK (or, better yet, live there), pay a visit to Bletchley Park. The tour may be somewhat indifferent to many, the park itself may be run down, but you’d be seeing first hand the place where Enigma was systematically deciphered during the war and — through your purchase of a ticket and or other souvernirs or donations — will help preserve a piece of modern history. Finally for all those interesting in computing, Bletchley Park hosts a small, and seemingly uninteresting computer museum; this is nothing like some of its counterparts in the U.S.. Nevertheless it has a unique exhibit that’s bound to thrill every computer scientist, programmer, engineer or geek visiting it: a working replica of Colossus.
For more information about the Park go to their page here or visit its Wikipedia entry.
» Google Earth οι μεν, Lonely Planet οι δε.
Διαβάζω στη Καθημερινή [μέσω buzz] πως μέλη των Ταξιαρχιών Μαρτύρων του Αλ Ακσά δηλώνουν ανοιχτά πως κάνουν χρήση του Google Earth “προκειμένου να εντοπίσουν τους στόχους των αυτοσχέδιών τους ρουκετών”. Kαι σχεδόν ταυτόχρονα διαβάζω το εξής άρθρο στο BBC News το οποίο συνοδεύεται από απόσπασμα video [RealPlayer] του νέου ντοκυμαντέρ του BBC ‘No Plan, No Peace’ στο οποίο δηλώνεται ‘ανοιχτά’ από την ταγιεροφορούσα συνταξιούχο εδώ και μια τριετία Αμερικανίδα διπλωμάτη, Barbara Bodine, πως οι αμερικάνοι χρησιμοποιούσαν έναν τουριστικό οδηγό Lonely Planet (ω τι ειρωνία!) των αρχών της δεκαετίας του 1990 ώστε να προγραμματίσουν τη κατοχή της χώρας. Δε ξέρω τι με τρομάζει περισσότερο…
Cryptonomicon and The Baroque Cycle
I got to know of Neal Stephenson from a good friend in the winter of 1999, some months after Cryptonomicon was published. He used to read it during the long boring lecture days at Imperial and over the course of a couple of weeks I got to catch a glimpse of the interweaved stories Stephenson eloquently presented in that book; enough of a glimpse so that when the summer of 2000 came and I was killing time at Heathrow, waiting for my return flight to Athens I picked up a paperback copy myself from an airport bookstore.
Love for Sci-Fi. Aversion to Cyberpunk.
I used to read a lot of literature when I was a child and until my early to mid teens. Yet by 2000 my relationship with literature had largely given its place to countless hours spent with technology, music and other interests; perhaps it was the thirty odd hours of lectures per week plus the constant progress reports, coursework and weekly tests the university required, along with my numerous other interests, friends etc. that relegated reading literature books to the backburner. It certainly was not what it used to be some years earlier. During those years most of my reading was either purely technical or scientific or involved history.
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On Missile Defence
Missile Defence is a controversial issue that has troubled diplomats and military leaders alike for more than forty years. Ever since Ronald Reagan proposed the Strategic Defence Initiative (SDI), later nicknamed ‘Star Wars’ after the synonymous film and due to its alleged inclusion of Space-Based Interceptors, Missile Defence has largely become a popular term, even though the programmes predate that particular programme by more than fifteen years. More recently, its rebirth, through the efforts of people like Newt Gingrich and the very controversial Richard Perle, one of the loudest advocates of the 2003 Iraq war has attracted media attention after it caused a war of words between U.S. and Russian officials. Richard Perle recently appeared in America at a Crossroads, an 11 hour PBS documentary series that addresses both the rift between Islamic fundamentalism and the West, the reasons behind extremism, the situation in Iraq (both from the U.S. and Iraqi perspectives), U.S. social cohesion and the integration of its Muslim population and the general issue of security vs. liberty. His interview is perhaps characteristic of his out-of-touch view of the world, his ignorance of the facts that stare him in the eye and his insistence on a position that has long been proven wrong.
The documentary is an excellent, largely unbiased depiction of the outcome and side-effects of the war as well as the challenges facing the U.S. and by extension the world as a whole. It is highly recommended.
I recall having several long conversations on the subject of Missile Defence with friends just after the turn of the century, and later in 2002 when the U.S. withdrew from the 1972 ABM Treaty. The significance of the U.S.’s faith in the programme is quite high, both for its multilateral relations with Europe and Russia, but also for the European relations with their neighbours.
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It’s fascinating to see how public tolerance of government abuses and downright violation of the law and constitution has increased over the years. Follow the link for the 90 minute PBS documentary from 1987 that deals with how the U.S. sold weapons to Iran, despite its embargo and used the funds to support the ‘contras’ in Nicaragua (the Iran-Contra Affair) before going over the history of U.S. government abuses and illegal clandestine operations in the name of national security post WWII. Now, compare this to the relatively low public reaction to legislation such as the PATRIOT law (and its equivalents in Europe), the reaction to the Iraq war and the minimal buzz in the European press on the matter of the alleged CIA flights transporting illegally detained muslims post the 11th of September of 2001 from Europe to places where they could be interrogated and indeed tortured. No matter what you think of Moyers and PBS, Reagan and US policy in the 1980s and the 2003 Iraq war one thing is clear: people today seem much more apathetic to the abuses by the ’secret’ governments in both the United States and Europe, even when these affect their own rights, privacy and freedoms, not ‘just’ the fate of some other country or people.
Gag order.
The Armenian Genocide is a controversial issue. I’ve written before about its historical value and how it has been manipulated, both by Turkey and its commercial partners to improve relations at the expense of historical fact. I’ve applauded France for standing up to the Turkish threats and acknowledging a fact that has been long ignored by many in the international community.
Yet the voting of the French Parliament on whether it should become illegal to deny the Armenian Genocide is as wrong, as controversial and as politically — and not historically or culturally — motivated as Turkey’s denial that it ever happened.
At a time when even Germany is considering dropping the post-WW2 law that forbids the public display of the nazi insignia, perhaps a token of how times have changed and how the need for freedom of speech has been gradually replacing the fear of extremism, France is making a U-turn by considering voting on what is effectively a gag order; this is not about prevention of history distortion. France has officially accepted the Armenian Genocide as a historical fact, along with many countries all over the globe. That was commendable and a sound political move on principle. This is about freedom of speech and short-term political interests.
Less than a year after the controversial islamic prophet sketches that largely exposed Europe’s inability to live up to its assumed role as a culturally and socially advanced continent, comes another politically motivated move that serves no one, but the politicians organising it.

