» Τα Δύο Μηδενικά της Αξιοπρέπειας

Διάβαζω από την ΕΡΤ σχετικά με το πρόστιμο που επέβαλε η Αρχή Προστασίας Δεδομένων Προσωπικού Χαρακτήρα στην Ελληνική Αστυνομία καθώς:

κατά τη διάρκεια του φοιτητικού συλλαλητηρίου στις 22.3.2007 και παρά την απαγόρευση, στην πορεία που ακολούθησε λειτουργούσαν εκτός από τις κάμερες που είναι για τη ρύθμιση της κυκλοφορίας των οχημάτων, λειτουργούσαν κι εκείνες που είναι τοποθετημένες σε πλατείες της περιοχής.

Πέρυσι τον Νοέμβριο, μεγάλος μέρος της Αρχής παραιτήθηκε γι’ακριβώς το ίδιο παράπτωμα: η αστυνομία, με τη παρουσία δυο εισαγγελέων, παρακολουθούσε την (ήσυχη και ειρηνική) πορεία του Πολυτεχνείου χρησιμοποιώντας τις κάμερες παρακολούθησης κυκλοφορίας καθώς και άλλες κάμερες που βρισκόντουσαν στις κοντινές πλατείες, παραβαίνοντας το Σύνταγμα, την ελληνική νομοθεσία καθώς και τις αποφάσεις (και συγκεκριμένα την απαγόρευση) της Αρχής.

Επτά μήνες μετά, η νεα ‘Αρχή’ επιβάλλει πρόστιμο €5,000 για την ίδια ακριβώς συμπεριφορά από μέρους της αστυνομίας στη πορεία του Μαρτίου 2007.

Δε ξέρω με ποιό κριτήριο (ή κανόνα) το πρόστιμο ορίσθηκε σε ένα τόσο τραγελαφικό ποσό. Όπως και να έχει κάποιος ξέχασε τα δυο μηδενικά στο τέλος που θα το μετέτρεπαν σε πραγματικό πρόστιμο σε κρατική υπηρεσία που κατ’εξακολούθηση συλλαμβάνεται επ’αυτοφόρω να παρανομεί.

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» An opportunistic embrace of a sharply right-wing stance

A critical piece at AlterNet on Obama’s recent position shift on matters such as the death penalty, Guantanámo, surveillance, free trade and others. Certainly worth a read.

2 comments


2008.06.21

Truckers of Husk - Physical Education EP

It was completely by accident that I stumbled upon this great EP by Welsh/British band Truckers of Husk. I was trying to find a video on YouTube when I accidentally clicked on one of the popular videos titled ‘Sleeveface‘. While the video was mildly amusing, it featured music by Truckers of Husk which led to me looking for the band, visiting their MySpace page and then on to Amazon UK and finally 7digital from where I bought and subsequently downloaded their recent EP, Physical Education EP, for £1.79 (€2.26).

Apparently increasingly popular in Wales and specifically Cardiff, the band plays a structured, yet extremely pleasing style of math rock with several elements of post rock thrown in, with a mellow sound that’s outlined by clean guitar arpeggios, edgy drumming, slap bass and cello, occasionally complemented by stylised vocals. The results are a very pleasant and intense soundscape.

You can listen to much of their work on MySpace, although I guess €2.26 is definitely worth it for the music, especially if you enjoy instrumental math rock in general.

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» Στρατιωτική Πρόβα με την αποδοχή της Ελλάδος;

Το BBC δημοσιεύει άρθρο στο οποίο, σύμφωνα με δηλώσεις αξιωματικού των ΗΠΑ, στις αρχές Ιουνίου έγιναν πολεμικές ασκήσεις στο ‘ανατολικό Αιγαίο και πάνω από την Ελλάδα’ από την Ισραηλινή Αεροπορία στα πλαίσια προετοιμασίας για επίθεση στο Ιράν. Καθ’ότι δεν διαβάζω ελληνικό τύπο δε γνωρίζω εαν έγινε ή όχι αναφορά στη τηλεόραση/εφημερίδες. Αν μη τι άλλο θεωρώ πως — δεδομένης της ελληνικής θέσης — η όποια συμμετοχή της Ελλάδος σε πολεμικές προετοιμασίες πιθανής επίθεσης στο Ιράν είναι αν μη τι άλλο ηθικά και νομικά επίμαχη. Με άλλα λόγια, εαν ισχύει, δηλαδή η Έλλάδα παραχώρησε τον εθνικό εναέριο χώρο στο Ισραήλ για τέτοιες ασκήσεις, θαρρώ πως βρίσκεται σίγουρα εκτός των υποχρεώσεων μας ως μέλη του ΝΑΤΟ και σύμμαχος του Ισραήλ, είναι αντίθετο με την μέχρι σήμερα εξωτερική πολιτική της χώρας αλλά — πρωτίστως — τη βούληση των ελλήνων για διπλωματική λύση του ζητήματος των πυρηνικών εγκαταστάσεων στο Ιράν.

1 comments


2008.06.16

Five GNOME/Linux Desktop Issues

GNOME, one of the two main linux desktop environments and platforms has become a very popular choice adopted by most major distributions as their desktop of choice, mostly due to its simplicity and minimalist design. While it does several things ‘right’, by generally providing a straightforward experience and ‘hiding’ advanced configuration options in its gconf system, its development has been unfocused and lacking in some areas where it needs additional work.

More specifically, the desktop is lacking very basic features one could find even on the original Macintosh or Windows 1.0. I’m going to list some of those critical omissions that should be a priority for any modern desktop and that GNOME seems to have missed:

  1. Regional Settings. I’m really clueless as to why GNOME does not include a proper Regional Settings configuration panel by default. Sure, power users, programmers and *nixheads can sort out the enviroment variables, but this should be there anyway.
  2. Audio Configuration. ALSA has been the standard for years, yet GNOME is missing a proper audio configuration panel. Audio is more than setting the event sounds and choosing a backend. The advent of PulseAudio has made things much worse, especially on systems where there are more than one soundcards available. Soundcard selection and configuration should be a couple of clicks away. And this includes multi-card systems and numerous backends.
  3. Convoluted Settings. Why do we really need two panels for ‘Keyboard’ and ‘Keyboard shortcuts’? Why isn’t there a proper, functional ‘Service’ management panel? Why is gnome-control-center polluted with utilities such as ‘Network Tools’ and ‘System Monitor’? (hint: those are not configuration panels, but utilities). Why is ‘Default Printer’ a separate panel from ‘Printnig’ (and for those still in the 20th century, where on earth is Faxing configuration?)
  4. Searching, Indexing: Chaos. On Ubuntu clicking on Places -> ‘Search for files’ shows the old GNOME ‘Search for files’ utility. Clicking the lens on the top right or going to Applications -> Accessories (?!) -> Tracker Search tool starts tracker. Pressing Ctrl-F when a Nautilus window has focus shows yet another dialogue. This is totally unacceptable.
  5. Configuration: No CLI Requirement. There should be a concerted effort by all linux vendors, across all desktop environments to constitute a simple text based standard for configuration files with self-documenting facilities and coupled with a standard API for accessing, creating and modifying such files. This, in turn, could (possibly) allow for automatic generation of GUI applets capable of configuring every single aspect of the system in case a custom UI for a certain function is not available. Such a system would present a simpler, more pleasant experience to both users and developers. No GUI application, utility or system function should require the use of the terminal, although it should be possible to use a plain text editor to edit configuration files if that’s preferred. Since linux is a multi-desktop environment operating system, this should not be gconf, but something else; perhaps an XML-based standard.

I’ll be revisiting the topic over time in follow-up posts in order to add more usability annoyances of the modern linux desktop. Until then, I’d like to hear your comments.

Please do not ‘inform’ me of KDE’s strengths. I’m very well aware of them and I’ll provide a respective critique of its features as soon as the 4-series reaches a point of maturity worth spending some time for (I’m guessing 4.2 at the earliest, maybe a bit later).

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2008.06.15

Εκτροχιασμοί

Προ κάποιων εβδομάδων ο Νίκος Σμυρναίος έγραψε στο blog του σχετικά με το ζήτημα της παρακολούθησης των συνδέσεων του διαδικτύου στα πλαίσια της προσπάθειας, τόσο κρατικών όσο και ιδιωτικών φορέων για τη μείωση της ανταλλαγής πνευματικών έργων μέσω του διαδικτύου. Σήμερα διάβασα από το blog του Ματθαίου Τσιμιτάκη ένα παρεμφερές άρθρο που παραπέμπει και εμπλουτίζει το πρώτο. Ας σημειωθεί πως ο Ματθαίος αναφέρει και ένα κείμενο γραμμένο από τον Νίκο Δρανδάκη, το οποίο παρ’ότι συναφές έχει σαφώς διαφορετική θέση και περιεχόμενο και το οποίο δε θα σχολιάσω εδώ.

Ας τα πάρουμε όμως από την αρχή. Όταν διάβασα το άρθρο του Νίκου Σμυρναίου προβληματίστηκα. Η θέση μου σχετικά με την ΑΕΠΙ, τον ΟΠΙ, το copyright και τον επιχειρούμενο δαιμονισμό της μη-κερδοσκοπικής ανταλλαγής μέσων πνευματικής ιδιοκτησίας από τις μεγαλοβιομηχανίες των ΗΠΑ και της Δυτικής Ευρώπης είναι γνωστή σε όσους διαβάζουν τακτικά τα κείμενά μου. Κατα συνέπεια συμφωνώ απόλυτα με και επικροτώ την δημοσιοποίηση της όποιας παράτυπης (πόσο μάλλον παράνομης) ενέργειας από τη πλευρά των εν λόγω οργανισμών και των εκπροσώπων τους σε κάποιο blog ή άλλο δημόσιο μέσο και τη προσπάθεια αποτροπής του στραγγαλισμού των ατομικών δικαιωμάτων στο διαδίκτυο μέσω αδιαφανών, αντικοινωνικών νομοθετικών ή άλλων κανονιστικών πράξεων.
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16 comments

2008.06.13

It seems certain that Irish voters have rejected the Lisbon Treaty.

According to RTÉ, the Lisbon Treaty has been rejected by the Irish people after yesterday’s referendum.

This is not a Maastricht-type rejection. It is not even a 2005-type rejection of the Constitution by France and the Netherlands. This is something completely different; it is a rejection stemming from the fact that during the process of drafting, approving and signing both the Constitution and the Lisbon Treaty, no one seemed to care what people think; no one felt that it is necessary to inform the public and include it in the decision-making process. The rejection of the Treaty by the Irish is underlined by and a testament of the hastiness and complete lack of proper planning in which the 2004 and 2007 expansions to Eastern Europe (the Nice Treaty), the Constitution and now the Lisbon Treaty took place: quick, hastened and with insufficient planning and analysis of its consequences to the EU as a quasi-political entity and a multinational organisation. Most importantly, with minimal public consultation on the topics that matter to everyone, with practically no public involvement whatsoever. It is no accident that most of the arguments of the No campaign in Ireland had to do with topics that people were concerned with, that the Treaty addresses, but which were not communicated to them by the authorities.

This is not a unique situation to Ireland. I’m pretty certain that if more referenda took place, there’d be much more dissent than expected; even from those in favour of a stronger Union. Those arguing that an Irish ‘No’ should be translated in an expulsion of Ireland from the Union, forget that — besides this being totally unrealistic — it could very well be the case that their country too, had it had voted in a referendum, might have said no. The French suggestion that during the French presidency all the ‘important’ parts of the Treaty would be ratified in an ‘ad-hoc way’ are indications that the result of the referendum are not only misunderstood, but ignored; the EU has managed to create a relatively dangerous deadlock and one that cannot — easily, within the existing frameworks and norms — be broken.

Most people in Europe are still unfamiliar with the text of the treaty; national media rarely provide reports — or even a discussion — of its content; most governments simply don’t care; after all, no country other than Ireland gets to vote in a referendum. The precedent of the second referendum in Ireland in 2001 regarding the Treaty of Nice and the fact that no other country had a referendum on Lisbon means that it will not be so easy to move on from here on; at least not in a transparent, acceptable way, even to the same politicians from the 26 member states that would have signed the treaty.

Sadly, since 2004 the EU as an organisation has undergone a vast geopolitical — almost cultural — change, while its organisational and institutional frameworks and structures remained unchanged. The Lisbon Treaty was about changing all that. It’s thus ironic that an Irish rejection (along with 26 approvals in the respective parliaments of the remaining EU member states) proves why the organisational restructuring of the EU should have preceded its expansion (if not evolution) into a 27-state chaotic entity.

Nevertheless, while really unfortunate for the EU, the rejection of the Lisbon Treaty — like those of the Constitution three years earlier — is probably going to be followed by a secondary solution, perhaps another referendum coupled with minor adjustments to the Treaty, a more opaque solution with a mini-Treaty with merely the absolutely necessary parts for the operational reform and an eventual ‘approval’ of a much larger treaty when the time is ripe. Still, it seems to me that today’s rejection should serve as a reminder that if the european project is to succeed, it really needs to include its most significant members: its citizens. Otherwise it won’t be long until the EU dissolves into a sad reminder of what could’ve been the most prosperous and democratic era for the continent and beyond.

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» It may well turn out to be the largest war profiteering in history.

There’s no doubt about it: the war had its critics, and there were many of them, even before it became a mainstream affair, in late 2002; much like the ‘discussion’ about an attack on Iran is today, there were those that foresaw what was about to unfold. Over the years much has been said or written about the corruption, the unbelievable cost, the blatant disregard not just of the life of Iraqis, arguably of little importance to the leaders, military or political, of the US, but of the domestic social and economic impact of the war within the United States.

Few had any significant evidence to back it up. BBC’s Panorama investigates the matter and claims that up to $25 billion (€16.2 billion) of the budget allocated by the US Congress to the rebuilding of Iraq may have been ‘lost, stolen or not properly accounted for’. At the same time, a gag order in the US prevents anyone from discussing it. Even if no political argument, no humanistic, ideological or ethical platform of discussion is capable of penetrating those thick enough not capable of comprehending the severity, futility and cost of this war, I’m hoping that the economics of a dwindling US economy are in the coming US elections in November.

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